‘‘Get up, Stand up’’: TacticalRepertoires of Social MovementsVerta Taylor and Nella Van Dyke

‘‘Get up, Stand up’’: Tactical

Repertoires of Social Movements

Verta Taylor and Nella Van Dyke

Tactical Repertoires, Action, and Innovation

One Tuesday afternoon in November 2002, a group of 50 women of all ages from

West Marin, California, lay down naked in a light rain to spell out ‘‘PEACE’’ with

their bodies. A photographer captured the scene from the top of a ladder, and the

resulting image sped around the world via the internet. This innovative protest,

organized just the day before by a group that took the name ‘‘Unreasonable

Women,’’ was intended to shock the Bush administration into paying attention to

the grass-roots opposition to the threat of a war against Iraq and to express solidar-

ity with the women, children, and men of Iraq, thousands of whom had already died

as a result of US bombing and sanctions. Some of the protestors had not been

involved in a demonstration since the 1960s; others had long been pondering a

way to make women’s voices heard (or, in this case, bodies seen). Disrobing, they

decided, would outdo the normally ‘‘predictable, mechanized, boring’’ protests of

today (Pogash 2003). If this might seem at first glance a very Californian protest,

what is especially interesting is that the women adopted the idea from a Nigerian

women’s demonstration against corporate exploitation the preceding summer. In

that protest, 600 mostly elderly women occupied the facilities of Chevron Texaco,

took 1,000 oil workers hostage, and threatened to cast shame on corporate execu-

tives by stripping in front of them. Using a tribal shaming ritual, they demanded

health care, education, and jobs for their families. The Nigerian women succeeded,

while the West Marin women’s protest, which did catch the attention of the national

media as planned and spread rapidly over the internet, met with mixed responses.

Some focused on the women’s nudity, calling it variously lewd, erotic, or an affront

to Islam. Others clamored for a copy of the photograph and expressed solidarity

with the women’s goals and tactics. Certainly people paid attention.

‘‘Get Up, Stand Up.’’ Words and Music by Bob Marley and Peter Tosh. 1973.

Snow / Blackwell Companion to SocialMovements 13.11.2003 12:03pm page 262

The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements 

Edited by David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, Hanspeter Kriesi 

Copyright © 2004 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Protest – or the collective use of unconventional methods of political participation

to try to persuade or coerce authorities to support a challenging group’s aims – is

perhaps the fundamental feature that distinguishes social movements from routine

political actors. Protest can encompass a wide variety of actions, ranging from

conventional strategies of political persuasion such as lobbying, voting, and petition-

ing; confrontational tactics such as marches, strikes, and demonstrations that disrupt

the day-to-day life of a community; violent acts that inflict material and economic

damage and loss of life; and cultural forms of political expression such as rituals,

spectacles, music, art, poetry, film, literature, and cultural practices of everyday life.

Protest is occasionally used by institutionalized political actors such as political

parties and interest groups, and social movements frequently adopt the same means

of political expression used by political parties and interest groups. If there is a single

element that distinguishes social movements from other political actors, however, it is

the strategic use of novel, dramatic, unorthodox, and noninstitutionalized forms of

political expression to try to shape public opinion and put pressure on those in

positions of authority. Social movements, as McAdam and Snow (1997: 326) so

aptly describe them, ‘‘eschew politics through proper’’ channels, often because their

participants lack access to political institutions and other conventional means of

influence or because they feel that their voices are not being heard.

The tactics of protest used by social movements are so integral to popular views of

social movements that sometimes a movement is remembered more for its tactics

than for its goals (Wilson 1973). For example, the second wave of the US women’s

movement is still often denounced as a group of ‘‘bra-burners’’ based on a single

demonstration in 1968 against the Miss America pageant. In this case, no bras were

actually burned. Rather, women staged several guerilla theater actions, including

crowning a sheep Miss America, mopping the boardwalk holding pots and pans, and

throwing objects of female oppression – high-heeled shoes, girdles, bras, curlers, and

tweezers – into a ‘‘freedom trash can.’’ The goal was to protest the male chauvinism,

commercialization of beauty, racism, and oppression of women symbolized by the

pageant, but the participants’ rejection of dominant symbols of beauty is what

caught the media’s attention.

From a scholarly standpoint, the study of protest events is a defining feature of the

resource mobilization and political process traditions that have dominated the study

of social movements over the past several decades (Tilly 1978; McAdam 1982;

Tarrow 1989; Gamson 1990). Tilly (1999) has gone so far as to argue that social

movements are best understood not as groups or organizations but as clusters of

contentious interactive performances or protest events. So central are protest tactics

to the scholarly research on social movements that measurement of variations in the

number and timing of protest events such as strikes, riots, violent incidents, and

other contentious gatherings has emerged as a major means of assessing the state of

mobilization of social movements (Tilly 1978; McAdam 1982; Jenkins and Eckert

1986; Tarrow 1988; Olzak 1989; Kriesi et al. 1995; McCarthy et al. 1996). Given

this development, it is remarkable that social movement scholarship lacks any

agreed-upon definition that can be used to identify a tactic of protest. In this chapter

we draw on relevant research in order to develop a clearer conceptual and empirical

understanding of social movement tactics.

Our discussion takes up three questions. First, how have scholars interested in

social movements conceptualized social movement tactics? We build on and extend

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tactical repertoires of social movements 263

existing conceptualizations to offer a theoretical definition that specifies three

features common to all tactical repertoires: contestation, intentionality, and collect-

ive identity. Second, what factors influence a social movement’s selection of tactics?

Theorists of contentious politics suggest that macrohistorical factors as well as

internal movement processes influence tactical repertoires and innovations. The

third question we address is what kinds of tactics are more likely to achieve

successful outcomes? Here we distinguish between political and cultural outcomes,

noting that the limited research that has examined this question suggests that certain

tactical repertoires might be better suited to one type of outcome rather than the

other.

Repertoires of Contention and Tactical Repertoires

The specific tactics of public protest used by social movement activists take a myriad

of forms. Rochon (1998: 1) describes the following tactics used by the New Left in

the late 1960s:

petitioning, rock throwing, canvassing, letter writing, vigils, sit-ins, freedom rides,

lobbying, arson, draft resistance, assault, hair growing, nonviolent civil disobedience,

operating a free store, rioting, confrontations with cops, consciousness raising,

screaming obscenities, singing, hurling shit, marching, raising a clenched fist, bodily

assault, tax refusal, guerilla theater, campaigning, looting, sniping, living theater, rallies,

smoking pot, destroying draft records, blowing up ROTC buildings, court trials,

murder, immolation, strikes, and writing various manifestoes or platforms.

This list is by no means exhaustive of the novel and innovative tactics used by social

movement actors in the United States, as the scholarly research on protest tactics

reveals.

Scholars interested in social movement tactics have paid considerable attention to

the nonviolent direct action tactics used by the US civil rights movement, such as

organized boycotts of public transportation and white owned businesses, student

sit-ins at white lunch counters, voter registration drives, freedom schools, and mass

demonstrations (Morris 1984; McAdam 1986). The literature on labor movements

points to the widespread use of sit-down strikes, labor walkouts, and secondary

boycotts as weapons of political coercion (Fantasia 1988; Fonow 1998; Lichtenstein

2002). Young (2002) examines the confessional forms of protest that swept the US in

the 1830s in which thousands of men and women gathered to bear witness against

the sins of drinking and slavery and to demand that religious and civil institutions

take heed, revealing that movements have often combined personalized strategies

with social change oriented strategies. Researchers of the women’s movement have

added greatly to our understanding of the way movements combine tactics oriented

to political and personal change by demonstrating how feminist movements meld

mass demonstrations and other forms of direct action with consciousness-raising,

self-help, and embodied forms of resistance to critique and transgress dominant

conceptions of heterosexualized femininity (Staggenborg 1991; Taylor and Rupp

1993; Whittier 1995; Taylor 1996). Social movement scholars studying right-wing

movements have chronicled their use of coercive and violent forms of protest.

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264 verta taylor and nella van dyke

Anti-abortion activists, organized hate groups, and patriot and militia groups have

bombed abortion clinics, black churches, and federal buildings, and have lynched

and assassinated perceived enemies in an attempt to influence public opinion and

public policy (Soule 1992; Blee 2002; Van Dyke and Soule 2002). Contemporary

right-wing movements also use tactics that challenge state intrusion into the life

worlds of individuals. Snow and Clarke-Miller (2003) reveal that one right-wing

group used ‘‘constitutional confrontations’’ (e.g., the violation of gun laws) and

‘‘registration refusals or boycotts’’ (e.g., the destruction of driver’s licenses) to resist

the identification-tracking power of the government.

Recently, scholars have turned their attention to the cultural forms of political

expression adopted by social movements, for example the use of street perform-

ances, cross-dressing, gender transgression, and alternative underground magazines

(‘‘zines’’) by the modern gay and lesbian movement (Gamson 1995; Bernstein 1997;

D’Emilio 1998; Rupp and Taylor 2003). Modern feminist movements, too, have

relied extensively on discursive forms of political protest to increase women’s status

and political power, focusing on institutional targets such as the medical system

(Taylor 1996), the Catholic Church and the US military (Katzenstein 1998), as well

as state level policies and legislation, such as those curtailing women’s reproductive

rights (Staggenborg 1991; Ferree et al. 2002). Cultural repertoires are as central to

right-wing as left-wing movements. Public spectacles and rituals such as cross-

burnings have served as major tactics of the Ku Klux Klan, and contemporary

organized hate movements, such as the skinheads and neo-Nazis, rely heavily

upon racist music, literature, graffiti, and personalized political strategies including

wearing swastikas, insignias, tattoos, shaven heads, Doc Martens, and combat

fatigues to promote their racist ideas (Blee 2002). Faith-based social movements

also rely heavily on public performances, such as parades, mass celebrations, public

chanting, and prayer to spread the word and secure recruits (Snow 1979; Pattillo-

McCoy 1998; Heath 2003). Social movement groups historically have incorporated

new technologies into their tactical repertoires, whether newspaper, radio, televi-

sion, film, magazines, or newsletters. The emergence of political activism on the

Internet – referred to as ‘‘hactivism’’ (McCaughey and Ayers 2003) – has resulted in

important tactical innovations such as strategic voting (Earl and Schussman 2002),

hacking, online sit-ins, defacing Web pages, email floods, viruses and worms,

and data theft or destruction (McCaughey and Ayers 2003; Costanza-Chock

forthcoming).

These examples may suggest that protest possibilities are virtually unlimited.

However, social movement researchers interested in understanding the factors that

influence a movement’s choice of particular tactics point out that tactics of protest

are, to the contrary, fairly predictable, limited, and bounded by the repertoires that

protestors have learned. Scholars use the term ‘‘repertoires of contention’’ (Tilly

1978, 1995; Traugott 1995; Tarrow 1998) to describe the distinctive constellations

of tactics and strategies developed over time and used by protest groups to act

collectively in order to make claims on individuals and groups. Like its theatrical

counterpart, the term ‘‘repertoire’’ implies that the interactions between a movement

and its antagonists can be understood as strategic performances or ‘‘established ways

in which pairs of actors make and receive claims bearing on each other’s interests’’

(Tilly 1995: 43). Tilly introduced the repertoires concept to identify important

historical variations in forms of protest and to explain the rise of the national social

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tactical repertoires of social movements 265

movement as a form of claims-making used by subordinate groups in modern

capitalist democratic societies (Tilly 1986; Tarrow 1998).

In addition to being historically specific, protest repertoires are modular in

the sense that similar tactics may be borrowed by different groups of activists

pursuing different targets without face-to-face interaction (Tarrow 1993). Activists

pick up on and adapt the tactics used by other groups so that they do not have to

‘‘reinvent the wheel at each place and in each conflict’’ (McAdam and Rucht 1993:

58). As a result, tactical innovations occur slowly. Because of linkages between

activist networks and movement organizations, the same protest tactics spread

from one campaign to another (Meyer and Whittier 1994). Soule (1997) illustrates

this process by showing how US students protesting the South African system of

apartheid introduced shacks or makeshift structures, known as ‘‘shantytowns,’’ to

call attention to the oppressive living conditions of South Africans. Because

the shanties were successful in gaining media attention, they were adopted by

student activists on campuses across the United States. Repertoire transformations

such as this do not come easily, and Beckwith (2000) introduces the idea of a ‘‘hinge

in collective action’’ as a way of understanding significant changes in tactical

repertoires.

Social movement scholars use the concept of repertoires of contention to refer to

the recurrent, predictable, and fairly narrow ‘‘toolkit’’ of specific protest tactics used

by a set of collective actors in a particular campaign (Taylor 1996; McAdam and

Snow 1997; della Porta and Diani 1999; Mueller 1999; Beckwith 2000). The tactics

or specific forms of collective claims-making used by social movements, as Mueller

(1997) points out, are increasingly examined in terms of their place in a larger

repertoire of collective action. In this chapter, we provide a more delimited concept

of tactical repertoires to describe and understand the features and implications of

particular forms of collective protest. We are interested in tactical repertoires as

interactive episodes that link social movement actors to each other as well as to

opponents and authorities for the intended purpose of challenging or resisting

change in groups, organizations, or societies.

Types of Tactical Repertoires

Scholars interested in understanding why a challenging group chooses a particular

form of protest have generally used two different criteria to distinguish the different

types of tactics. Some writers classify social movements on the basis of fundamental

differences in their tactics (Rucht 1988). Early formulations defined movements

either as instrumental or expressive based on whether a group’s actions and strat-

egies were oriented toward social change or personal change (Gusfield 1963; Breines

1982; Jenkins 1983). More recently, this dichotomy of movement types is reflected

in the work of scholars who differentiate between ‘‘strategy-oriented’’ and ‘‘identity-

oriented’’ movements (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985) or between movements that use

instrumental, externally oriented tactics and movements engaged in what Bernstein

(1997: 531) terms ‘‘identity deployment’’ that is internally oriented (Duyvendak and

Giugni 1995). This dichotomous model reveals fundamental differences in the way

new social movement theorists (Touraine 1981, 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996)

and resource mobilization and political process theorists view contemporary

forms of collective action. Reflecting this debate, Tilly (1995) excludes collective

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266 verta taylor and nella van dyke

claims-making focused on affirmation of identity from his definition of repertoires

of contention.

Numerous studies call into question the bifurcation of movement types by dem-

onstrating that social movements combine both instrumental and expressive action

(Steinberg 1995; Bernstein 1997; Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Buechler 2000). This

work suggests that we should distinguish tactics on the basis of the type of inter-

action taking place between the movement and its target. Using this criterion, Turner

and Killian (1987) identify four basic tactics: persuasion, which appeals to the values

or self-interest of the target; facilitation, which assists the target group in acquiring

knowledge or resources to support the movement, for example, through conscious-

ness raising; bargaining, such as when a movement exchanges electoral and other

kinds of cooperation with the target group for support of the movement; and

coercion, which punishes the target group for failure to support the movement’s

goals. Recent formulations tend to differentiate between two modes of action: one

category subsumes nonconfrontational or insider tactics, such as boycotts, drama-

turgy, lawsuits, leafleting, letter-writing campaigns, lobbying, petitions, and press

conferences. The second includes confrontational or outsider tactics, such as sit-ins,

demonstrations, vigils, marches, strikes, motorcades, symbolic actions, boycotts of

classes, blockades, and other illegal actions such as bombings (Soule et al. 1999; Van

Dyke et al. 2001). Some scholars introduce violence as a third and separate category.

For example, Tarrow (1998) differentiates three types of protest actions: conven-

tional, disruptive, and violent, acknowledging that contentious politics frequently

combines all three elements.

Protest Events as Tactical Repertoires

These classificatory schemes have produced important new advances in our under-

standing of how different tactical repertoires influence social movement outcomes, a

topic that we take up in the last section. Much of the recent work on social

movement tactics comes out of what is referred to as ‘‘protest event’’ research.

This term refers to the content coding of newspaper accounts of collective action

events pioneered by Tilly and his colleagues (Shorter and Tilly 1974; Tilly et al.

1975) that has since developed into a routine method for studying social movements

(Jenkins and Perrow 1977; McAdam 1982; Olzak 1989, 1992; Tarrow 1989;

Koopmans 1993; Duyvendak 1995; Kriesi et al. 1995; Andrews 1997; Mueller

1997; Soule et al. 1999; Van Dyke 2003a, 2003b). Our conception of collective

action repertoires builds on but extends the event count method of studying collect-

ive action to overcome two problems with the way protest tactics have been studied

by scholars who have used data on the timing and sequence of events to analyze

social movements.

The first is that the formalized rules and conventions for coding information on

collective events using records from newspapers are biased toward a standard set of

mainly public protest forms – marches, demonstrations, boycotts, sit-ins, strikes,

and attacks – that emerged in the nineteenth century (McCarthy et al. 1996; Mueller

1997; Oliver and Myers 1999). The unit of analysis is generally the collective action

event, which is defined using three criteria: the event must be collective, involving

more than one person; the actors must be making a claim or expressing a grievance

either to change or preserve the system; and the event must be public (Tilly 1978;

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tactical repertoires of social movements 267

McAdam and Su 2002). The criterion that the event be ‘‘public’’ results inevitably in

the counting of ‘‘reported’’ events. In addition to the ideological biases inherent in

using mainstream newspaper reports to identify protest (Mueller 1997), this re-

search strategy vastly underestimates the incidence of protest. Newspaper event

counts ignore the cultural and discursive tactics used by social movements, protest

that takes place inside institutions (Katzenstein 1998; Kurtz 2002; Raeburn forth-

coming), what James Scott calls ‘‘everyday forms of resistance’’ (1985), and other

less publicly conspicuous tactics such as those used by identity-based struggles

(Taylor and Whittier 1992; Gamson 1995), terrorist groups, and right-wing move-

ments (Blee 2002; Snow and Clarke-Miller 2003).

Second, McAdam et al. (2001: 5) suggest that we limit the definition of conten-

tious politics to claims-making that involves the ‘‘government as a claimant, target,

or mediator.’’ Research using the event count method does not restrict the counting

of events to collective action that targets the government (Kriesi et al. 1995; Van

Dyke et al. 2002). However, media sensitivity to these types of protest actions and

the theoretical preference of some theorists of contentious politics for studying

political movements more narrowly limits our understanding of the significant role

played by social movements and other forms of contention in shaping social insti-

tutions and cultural codes (Zald 2000). We adopt the view of scholars who define

the institutional locus of social movements more broadly as targeting systems of

authority in institutional structures, such as religion, medicine, the military, educa-

tion, the mass media, as well as in the political arena (see in particular Snow 2002, as

well as Epstein 1996; Taylor 1996; Chaves 1997; Katzenstein 1998; Goodwin and

Jasper 1999; Zald 2000; Jenness and Grattet 2001; Young 2002). This more general

conceptualization of authorities as targets of protest requires a broader definition of

what constitutes a protest tactic.

Our conception of tactical repertoires adapts the three criteria used in protest

event research to define a collective action event in ways that will encompass a wider

range of contentious actions. We propose that the essential features of all protest

events are contestation, intentionality, and the construction of collective identity.

Our definition complements but improves upon protest event research by offering a

definition that is amenable to the closer engagement and in-depth examination of

the making and receiving of claims possible through the use of qualitative and

historical methods.

A Definition of Tactical Repertoires: Contestation, Intentionality,

and Collective Identity

To return to the episode of protest with which we began this chapter, the West Marin

women’s embodiment of ‘‘PEACE’’ was staged to oppose President Bush’s threat of

war with Iraq and to express solidarity with the people of Iraq. This protest action,

which subsequently spread to other communities around the United States, em-

bodies what we consider to be the three main features of all tactical repertoires:

contestation, intentionality, and collective identity.

First, tactical repertoires are sites of contestation in which bodies, symbols,

identities, practices, and discourses are used to pursue or prevent changes in institu-

tionalized power relations. A major tactic used by the US antiwar movement in the

Vietnam War era was to register potential draftees for a deferment or exemption

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268 verta taylor and nella van dyke

from the draft using ‘‘conscientious objection,’’ traditionally a category for members

of certain religions, as a rationale (McAdam and Su 2002). Snow and his colleagues

(1986) contend that social movements typically mobilize by drawing upon identities,

practices, beliefs, and symbols that are already meaningful from the standpoint of

dominant ideologies and frameworks and placing them in another framework so

that they are, as Goffman (1974: 43–4) put it, ‘‘seen by the participants to be

something quite else.’’ The West Marin women’s peace protest also illustrates the

way a movement’s oppositional tactics exhibit this process of cultural borrowing.

There is general consensus that the raison d’être of social movements is to pursue

or prevent change, and tactical repertoires in all their variants are interactions that

embody contestation between groups with different and competing interests. If

tactical repertoires involve strategic interactions between a set of challengers and

their external targets, however, the West Marin women’s peace protest also illus-

trates that protest is rarely enacted as face-to-face interaction. Rather, in modern

information-driven societies, protest operates to influence decision-makers primarily

through indirect channels, such as the mass media and the Internet (Lipsky 1968;

Melucci 1996). As a result, social movements frequently use dramatic and unortho-

dox tactics to draw the attention of the mass media in hope of winning the

sympathies of more powerful groups able to exert influence on institutionalized

decision-makers (Gitlin 1980; Gamson and Modigliani 1989).

We view intentionality as the second component of collective action repertoires.

We share the view of resource mobilization and political process theorists that

strategic decision-making is one of the essential aspects of the social psychology of

collective claims-making (Jenkins 1983; Gamson 1992; Klandermans 1997). Even

participants in seemingly spontaneous uprisings such as urban riots may be acting

strategically with conscious intention to produce or prevent change. One indication

of the strategic nature of protests is what della Porta and Diani (1999: 174) call ‘‘the

logic of numbers.’’ Even when groups are small, they try, through marches, strikes,

petitions, letter-writing campaigns, and referenda, to convey numerical strength.

Rupp and Taylor (1987) describe, for example, how prior to the resurgence of a

mass US women’s movement in the mid-1960s, feminists in the National Woman’s

Party formed state branches of only one or two members and then printed up

stationary to use in letter-writing campaigns to press for the Equal Rights Amend-

ment. Similarly, male leaders in organized hate movements bestow on themselves

‘‘ostentatious titles’’ such as Grand Dragon, Imperial Wizard, and Commander to

give the impression of a large hierarchical organization when, in reality, these men

typically enjoy the allegiance of only a handful of committed group members

(Blee 2002: 134).

Cultural performances are also intentionally staged as part of the larger repertoire

of contention of social movements. Stockdill (2002) describes the Divas from Viva,

three gay Latino men from Southern California, who use teatro – short political skits

historically performed in Latino/a communities – to raise people’s consciousness

about AIDS and mobilize individual and collective action. By examining the inten-

tions of the performers, Rupp and Taylor (2003) find that drag shows in gay

commercial establishments can serve as both entertainment and serious political

protest by calling attention to the role of cultural markers and practices in construct-

ing gender and sexual difference. Whittier (2001: 238) recounts how the child sexual

abuse survivors’ movement organizes public events, such as media campaigns,

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tactical repertoires of social movements 269

demonstrations, theatrical performances and art exhibits where participants deploy

oppositional emotions of trauma (grief, fear, shame, and helpless anger) and resist-

ance (pride, happiness, love, safety, confidence, and righteous anger) as a strategy to

bring about social change. Religious movements such as the Buddhist Nichiren

Shoshu of America sponsor large parades and public chanting sessions in order to

spread the word and secure recruits (Snow 1979). As these examples illustrate, in

examining whether any form of collective action serves as part of a tactical reper-

toire, we should not make a priori judgments about what constitutes a protest event.

Rather, we should be asking what are the intentions of the actors and whether a

particular set of actors are consciously and strategically promoting or resisting

change in dominant relations of power.

Acting collectively requires the development of solidarity and an oppositional

consciousness that allows a challenging group to identify common injustices, to

oppose those injustices, and to define a shared interest in opposing the dominant

group or resisting the system of authority responsible for those injustices. Protest

actions are one of the means by which challenging groups develop an oppositional

consciousness and collective identity (Melucci 1989; Gamson 1992; Taylor and

Whittier 1992; Jasper 1997; Klandermans and de Weerd 2000; Poletta and Jasper

2001; Snow 2001). In his analysis of three distinct cases of grass-roots labor action

in the United States, Fantasia (1988) illuminates the way strikes express a culture of

solidarity embodying a set of values and practices that makes it possible for workers

to resist and challenge the repression of corporate anti-unionism. Blee (2002) finds

that participating in cross burnings, terrorist harassment, and political rallies, as

well as adopting cultural markers such as tattoos and shaved heads, is central to

women’s development of a racist identity in male-dominated hate groups. Recent

studies of activism on the Internet suggest that one of the main functions of online

tactical repertoires is to create solidarity and collective identity (McCaughey and

Ayers 2003).

To consider the construction of collective identity as one of the defining features of

a tactical repertoire means recognizing that a movement’s particular forms of protest

are not only directed to external targets, but they also have an internal movement-

building dimension (della Porta and Diani 1999). One of the major tasks of any

movement is to create opportunities and incentives for participation in protest that

outweigh the costs by facilitating the creation of new forms of solidarity. A move-

ment’s repertoire of tactics typically supplies a range of levels of participation,

varying from low risk and low effort actions such as donating money, writing a

letter, signing a petition, participating in a peaceful demonstration, or constructing a

quilt to what McAdam (1986) has termed ‘‘high risk’’ and high effort actions such as

bombing a building, registering Southern Black voters, sitting in a tree to defend a

National Forest from loggers, acting as a suicide bomber, or engaging in self-burning

to protest government injustice (Kim 2002). Defining collective identity construction

as a feature of all public displays of protest accentuates the collective and the

interactional elements of political contention. A social movement’s tactical reper-

toires serve as sites for negotiating the relationship and the boundaries between a set

of political actors and those explicitly opposed to them.

We offer this conceptual definition of collective action repertoires as engaged in

contestation, intentionality, and collective identity work because it will allow us to

analyze the common features and processes of the myriad of strategies used by social

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270 verta taylor and nella van dyke

movements – whether cultural or more traditionally political, embodied or

discursive, emotional or rational, disruptive or legitimate, violent or nonviolent.

Factors that Influence Tactical Repertoires: Protest

Action and Innovation

Theorists of contentious politics (Tilly 1978, 1986, 2002; Tarrow 1989, 1998;

Traugott 1995; McAdam et al. 1996, 2001) have used the concept of repertoires

of contention as part of a larger framework for analyzing differences in types of

contention in particular historical periods and identifying the factors that lead to

new and innovative forms of collective action. The basic tenet of this approach is

that repertoires of contention are created out of a group’s prior experience of making

and receiving claims, and that specific forms of collective action are determined by

the degree and type of political opportunity, the form of organization adopted by

subordinate groups, and a subordinate group’s cultural framing of its grievances. In

this section, we take up research by social movement scholars interested in under-

standing how these various factors influence a movement’s selection of particular

tactics. We proceed by discussing, first, the external sociopolitical factors that shape

tactical repertoires; second, we examine the internal movement processes that influ-

ence a challenging group’s selection of tactics.

External Macrohistorical Conditions

Discussions of the external factors that influence the tactical repertoires of contem-

porary social movements have sought to explain an apparent shift in forms of

political contention in Western nations by linking these changes to macrohistorical

factors in the larger sociopolitical environment. We can think of this work as

focusing on three processes: modernization, the rise of postindustrial society, and

the development of cycles of collective action.

Tilly (1978, 1986, 1995) contends that the forms of protest that we have come to

associate with modern social movements are part of a larger repertoire of contention

that emerged in the nineteenth century with the rise of the nation-state and central-

ized decision-making, the development of capitalist markets, and the emergence of

modern forms of communication. Examining contentious repertoires in the United

States, Britain, and France between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Tilly

provides empirical evidence of fundamental changes in the forms of protest used by

subordinated groups. Older or ‘‘traditional’’ repertoires included actions such as

grain seizures, field invasions, barricades, and the use of music, irreverent costumes,

and other performances that ridiculed local authorities. What all of these political

performances had in common is that they were particular, in that participants were

drawn from a limited geographic area, protest addressed local actors or elites, the

tactics were specific to the grievances, collective action repertoires drew on existing

social relations, and collective actors often took advantage of official occasions,

public celebrations, and other routine activities to convey grievances. For instance,

Traugott’s (1995) examination of the use of the barricade in popular protest in the

French Revolution illustrates how forms of protest originated out of the disputes of

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tactical repertoires of social movements 271

everyday life, since the erection of barricades was a routinely used method of

neighborhood protection in sixteenth-century Paris.

By the mid-nineteen century, contentious politics had changed drastically. The

geographic scale of claims-making increased, with national authorities serving as the

target of an ever increasing number of claims and special interest groups emerging

for the express purpose of challenging authorities. As political contention became

national in focus, the tactical repertoires shifted to actions such as strikes, marches,

electoral rallies, public meetings, petitions, insurrections, and public demonstra-

tions. What we recognize today as the social movement that brought together

ordinary citizens in new and relatively stable networks to act on behalf of their

own interests in the national arena had emerged as a distinctively modern repertoire

of contention. The social movement provides a repertoire of contention that can be

adapted by a variety of groups in different localities to stage protests around

different grievances (Tilly 1995). Recently, Tilly and his collaborators (McAdam

et al. 2001) have extended their model beyond Western societies and nineteenth-

century social movement repertoires to analyze twentieth-century rebellions, revo-

lutions, nationalism, and contentious democratization outside of the Western world.

Tilly and his colleagues identify three macrohistorical factors that are important in

shaping modern tactical repertoires: the nature of political authority, the geograph-

ical reach of political authorities, and technology. With respect to the role of

political authority, Fraser (1997) argues that a new repertoire of contention that

she terms ‘‘recognition struggles,’’ emerged in response to the misrecognition of

identities (e.g., multiracial, sexual, racial, gender, etc.) and status subordination

(e.g., of women, gays and lesbians, ethnic and racial minorities) encoded in formal

law, government policies, administrative codes, and professional practices, as well as

in social practices in civil society. These recognition struggles challenge structures of

authority by combining claims for respect and recognition with claims for social

justice and redistribution. The role of discourse and identity in the tactical reper-

toires of groups challenging dominant cultural codes is linked, then, to the nature of

political authority in modern societies (Ferree et al. 2002).

Secondly, the geographic reach of political power has also continued to expand,

with the last half of the twentieth century marked by increasing globalization and

the development of international governing structures such as the World Trade

Organization, the European Union, the International Monetary Fund, the United

Nations, and international legal bodies such as the International Court for Human

Rights and the European Court of Justice. These developments have been accom-

panied by the expansion of transnational protest repertoires that combine direct

action, radical democracy, street performance, and the Internet (see chapter 14 in

this volume, as well as Imig and Tarrow 1999).

Technology and the rise of new forms of mass communication is the third macro-

historical factor that influences protest repertoires. During the eighteenth century,

the development of the print media enabled the rapid diffusion of information and

facilitated the formation of geographically dispersed networks of collective actors

(Goody 1968; Gouldner 1975; Chartier 1991; Tarrow 1998). Social movement

researchers are beginning to explore how the Internet as a recent technological

innovation is emerging as an important mobilizing tool, as well as a means and

target of protest action (Carty 2002; Earl and Shussman 2002; McCaughey and

Ayers 2003; Costanza-Chock forthcoming). Groups such as the Zapatistas inMexico

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272 verta taylor and nella van dyke

are now able to mobilize rapid international support to apply pressure on targeted

regimes and authorities (Garrido and Halavais 2003). At the same time, social

movements are increasingly using the Internet as a means of communicating griev-

ances. In 2000, protestors effectively sabotaged the campaign website of George

W. Bush by gaining control of the campaign’s web domain name and posting an anti-

Bush site in its place.

A competing paradigm to the political process and contentious politics approach,

sometimes grouped under the rubric of new social movement theory (Habermas

1981, 1984; Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Offe 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996) also

emphasizes the role of macrohistorical factors in explaining tactical repertoires and

innovations. New social movement theorists see fundamental changes in the reper-

toires of contemporary socialmovements as resulting from the shift from an industrial

to a postindustrial economy. Postindustrial society has brought new forms of social

control resulting from the intervention of capitalism and the state into private areas of

life including the self and the body (Habermas 1987; Fraser 1995, 1997); increased

structural differentiation, especially the autonomy of cultural institutions from polit-

ical and economic institutions (Cohen 1985; Melucci 1995); and a transition from

materialist to postmaterialist values (Inglehart 1981). These macrohistorical changes,

they argue, have resulted in a new form ofmainlymiddle-class activism that is distinct

from earlier forms of class-based protest centered in the working class. The core thesis

is that new social movements, such as the women’s, peace, gay and lesbian, environ-

mental, animal rights, disability rights, mental health, antiglobalization movements,

and even the New Christian Right and contemporary hate movements, are unique in

that they are less concerned with economic redistribution and policy changes than

with issues of the quality of life, personal growth and autonomy, and identity and self-

affirmation. Some scholars classify these struggles as ‘‘life politics’’ (Giddens 1991;

Taylor and Whittier 1992; Taylor 1996; Bernstein 1997; Young 2002). The evidence

for the hypothesis that contemporary movements are a product of the postindustrial

society remains questionable (Tarrow 1988; Pichardo 1997). In addition, some

studies have taken issue with the notion of ‘‘newness’’ by arguing that these cultural

and identity-based repertoires of protest appeared much earlier than the limited

historical period identified by new social movement theorists (Brand 1990; Calhoun

1993;Young 2002).

To explain how repertoires evolve, broaden, and get refined, Tarrow (1989, 1993,

1998) advances the notion of ‘‘protest cycles,’’ which turns our attention to another

way that the larger sociopolitical environment influences collective action reper-

toires (see chapter 2 in this volume). According to this view, protest tends to follow a

recurrent cycle in which collective mobilizations increase and decrease in frequency,

intensity, and formation. The notion that protest occurs in cycles or waves allows us

to recognize how the ebb and flow that characterizes protest determines the tactics

adopted by social movements. In the early stages of a cycle, for example, the use of

disruptive tactics predominates. McAdam (1983) shows how civil rights activists

developed a series of major tactical innovations in the early 1960s that were highly

successful because of their capacity for disruption and the effect they had on

stimulating subsequent protest. As a protest wave develops, interaction between

protestors and authorities stimulates the use of increasingly disruptive tactics. For

example, the 1963 protest campaign of the civil rights movement in Birmingham,

which provoked violence by whites and the intervention of the federal government,

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tactical repertoires of social movements 273

deployed multiple strategies of disruption including an economic boycott, sit-ins,

and mass demonstrations (Morris 1993).

Several studies demonstrate that over the course of a protest cycle, a process

of both increasing radicalization and institutionalization occurs (Tarrow 1989;

Koopmans 1993; Kriesi et al. 1995). Over time as they are repeated, disruptive

tactics lose their shock value so that a demonstration that might have at first

frightened authorities loses some of its original punch, taking on a ritualized quality.

Frustration with the limited effectiveness of routine tactics, as well as competition

for members and media attention between different movement organizations, leads

to the increasing use of disruptive tactics and even violence over the course of a

protest cycle. For example, at the height of the suffrage campaign, when the United

States entered World War I and the mainstream suffrage organization supported the

war effort, the National Woman’s Party, in contrast, launched a picket of the White

House to criticize President Wilson’s hypocrisy in fighting to make the world safe for

democracy (Rupp and Taylor 1987). As McCammon et al. (2001) have argued,

picketing and other public demonstrations were bold and innovative tactics that

defied gender prescriptions and the ideology of separate spheres governing the lives

of middle- and upper-class women. Cooperation and coalition formation between

social movement organizations can also influence tactical repertoires (Meyer and

Whittier 1994). Jenness and Broad (1997) find, for example, that tactics emanating

from the women’s movement’s struggles to combat violence were critical in shaping

the repertoires of gay and lesbian antiviolence campaigns that emerged in the United

States in the late 1980s and into the 1990s.

In assessing the repertoires of contention model, the postindustrial society thesis,

and the cycles of protest argument, scholars of social movements suggest that there is

more empirical support for the repertoires of contention and the cycles of protest

argument than for new social movement theory’s hypothesis that protests focused

principally on personal and social change are unique to the postindustrial age (see

Mueller 1999 on the repertoires of contention model and Pichardo 1997 on new

social movement theory). However, Young (2002) has recently presented evidence

that challenges both the repertoires of contention and the new social movement

models. He demonstrates that the temperance and antislavery movements, which

were the first national social movements to emerge in the United States in the 1830s,

were not the result of interactions with national states, as Tilly (1978, 1995)

advanced, but rather with religious institutions. Further, these campaigns engaged

in a form of life politics by pursuing goals that combined personal and social

transformation in a period that precedes the time frame when new social movement

theorists see a historical rupture in Western patterns of protest.

Internal Movement Processes

A significant amount of research on protest tactics has explored how the character-

istics of collective actors influence the particular tactics used in political contention.

This work focuses on three internal features that influence a social movement’s

tactical choices: the level of organization among collective actors; the cultural

frames of meaning used to justify collective action; and the structural power of the

participants. Research on how internal movement processes relate to tactical reper-

toires has been dominated by a debate over whether the level of organization among

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274 verta taylor and nella van dyke

a set of collective actors is related to the use of confrontational and disruptive tactics

rather than more conventional tactics. On one side are scholars who assert that

organizations are necessary for collective action and that, under certain circum-

stances, organizations facilitate disruptive protest. On the other side are those who

argue that the involvement of organizations inevitably leads to the use of conven-

tional pressure group tactics and the institutionalization of a movement. Piven and

Cloward’s (1979) research on workers’ movements, the Southern civil rights move-

ment, and the welfare rights movement in the United States suggests that the

increased involvement of organizations in ‘‘poor people’s movements’’ led to a

channeling of energy away from mass defiance and the use of disruptive tactics

into organization building and institutionalized forms of political action. These

findings support Michels’ (1962) argument that the leaders of large political organ-

izations inevitably come to value their own interests and the security of their

positions over the goals and interests of the organization’s membership.

Several studies report empirical support for Piven and Cloward’s thesis. In her

research on abortion rights organizations in the United States, Staggenborg (1988)

finds that the processes of professionalization and institutionalization among abor-

tion rights organizations, such as the National Abortion Rights Action League and

the National Organization for Women, resulted in greater reliance on conventional

pressure group tactics, such as lobbying and political campaign work. Kriesi et al.

(1995) and Koopmans (1993) examine the relationship between the use of different

types of tactics and the development of movement organizations over the course of

an entire protest wave. They find that the involvement of mainstream movement

organizations has the effect of institutionalizing movement actors and decreasing the

use of confrontational forms of protest.

While the debate over the way organization affects the mobilization of disruption

has continued for nearly three decades, recent research suggests that the link be-

tween organization and strategy is more complex than a simple one-to-one relation-

ship (Cress and Snow 2000). One set of studies (Rucht 1999; Van Dyke et al. 2001)

agrees with Piven and Cloward, finding evidence that formal organizations are more

likely than informal groups to use conventional tactics of protest. However, they

find variation among movement organizations, and that an organization’s goals and

constituency influence tactical choices (Van Dyke et al. 2001). Student organizations

and groups explicitly focused on social change rather than personal transformation

frequently engage in disruptive collective action. In their study of the homeless

movement in eight US cities, Cress and Snow (1996, 2000) find that sustained and

effective protest by impoverished constituencies requires strong organizations

capable of mobilizing resources and representing the voice of homeless people in

policy discussions. However, organization-building does not always result in mod-

eration; rather, about half of the local homeless organizations in their sample

combined disruptive tactics with political mediation in the struggle to protect

homeless people from discriminatory practices.

Others focus on the ways that particular decentralized and participatory

democratic organizations give rise to the use of confrontational direct action tactics.

Examining the radical wing of the US abortion rights movement, Staggenborg

(1988) shows how decentralized and informalized organizational structures encour-

aged individuals’ input and collective decision-making and generated innovative and

confrontational actions. For example, activists attracted media and public attention

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tactical repertoires of social movements 275

by staging ‘‘funeral marches’’ to protest the deaths of women killed by back-alley

abortionists and made media appearances carrying blown-up photographs of

women lying lifeless on motel room floors after illegal abortions. Jasper (1997)

traces the dramatic turn in the antinuclear movement beginning in 1975 toward

site occupations, encampments, the sabotage of buildings and equipment, and large

rallies at nuclear power plants to the affinity group structure of groups such as the

Clamshell Alliance that opposed the Seabrook plant in New Hampshire. Polletta

(2002) explains the way egalitarian organizational forms contribute to the use of

innovative and disruptive tactics by using ‘‘deliberative’’ talk that reinforces the

group’s solidarity and commitment to direct action.

The tactical repertoires used by a set of collective actors are also influenced by

social movement culture (Darnovsky et al. 1995). Frequently activists adopt strat-

egies and tactics not simply because they have been shown to be effective, but

because they resonate with the beliefs, ideas, and cultural frames of meaning people

use to make sense of their situation and to legitimate collective action (Snow

and Benford 1988; Gamson 1992; Morris and Mueller 1992; Taylor and Whittier

1995; Jasper 1997; Benford and Snow 2000). In her study of the Irish women’s

movement for reproductive rights, Taylor (1998) shows how tactical decisions and

innovations are linked to a challenging group’s framing of their grievances. To

attract attention to the illegality of abortion in Ireland, the movement launched an

abortion boat decorated with flags reading ‘‘Our Right to Choose’’ to carry women

on the journey to England that thousands of women had taken to secure a legal

abortion.

A considerable body of scholarship demonstrates the significance of gender

ideology and symbolism in a movement’s selection of tactics (Naples 1992; Robnett

1996; Taylor 1996; Gamson 1997; Taylor and Whittier 1998, 1999; Klatch 1999;

Blee 2002). Radical feminists, for example, adopted collectivist organizational forms

and emotional expressiveness as part of a larger repertoire of direct action, justifying

these strategies on the basis of fundamental differences between women and men

and a rejection of masculinist styles (Taylor and Rupp 1993; Whittier 1995; Poletta

2002). The language of gender difference and power is also pervasive in women’s

self-help movements in medicine and mental health and serves as a rationale for the

use of tactics such as consciousness-raising, empowerment, and woman-to-woman

support in addition to traditional pressure group tactics geared toward social

and institutional change (Taylor 1996; Taylor and Van Willigen 1996; Whittier

2001). Gender specific ideology and appeals also serve as a basis for the use

of violent tactics by nationalist movements such as the Palestine Liberation Organ-

ization (Nagel 1998), male-dominated left-wing movements such as the Black

Panthers (Brown 1992), and right-wing movements such as Christian Identity

(Blee 2002).

In devising tactical repertoires, collective actors also draw on established cultural

schemas that structure social life, according to Sewell (1996: 842), by providing the

‘‘meanings, motivations, and recipes for social action.’’ Social movements appropri-

ate conventional symbols and modify them in ways that allow them to take on new

meaning. This is one means by which collective actors create new and innovative

forms of protest. Clemens (1993) argues that alternative models of organization

should themselves be understood as distinctive ‘‘organizational repertoires’’ of con-

tention shaped by participants’ collective identities and established cultural schemas.

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276 verta taylor and nella van dyke

The American women’s movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth

century, for example, drew on a culturally available model of organization – the

women’s club – and used it as a template to legitimate lobbying as one of the few

models of political influence available to women. Taylor (1996) contends that in the

US self-help is a distinctive organizational repertoire, and Polletta treats participa-

tory democratic organizational forms in similar terms. Van Dyke (2003a) also

emphasizes the importance of beliefs and ideas to a group’s organizational reper-

toires by demonstrating that multi-issue movement organizations formed around

broad ideological principles are more likely to participate in coalition formation

and collaborative forms of protest.

Collective actors choose among tactical repertoires, then, not simply on the basis

of strategic decision-making. Rather, activists choose options that conform to their

ideological visions, are congruent with their collective identities, and embody the

cultural schemas that provide meanings, motives, and templates for action. In her

study of the Direct Action Network (DAN), which emerged out of the 1999 Seattle

World Trade Organization demonstrations, Polletta (2002) finds that the group,

which blatantly rejected ‘‘masculinist’’ styles, embraced emotional expressiveness,

and drew on the language of the self, nevertheless sought to dissociate itself from

tactics – for example, vibes watching and group hugs – that they associated with

‘‘touchy-feely’’ Californian styles of protest.

The structural power of protestors also influence a group’s tactical repertoires

(Schwartz 1976; Tilly 1978, 1986; Gamson 1989; Taylor 1996). Participants’

relative position in the larger social structure, their sense of justice and ‘‘rights,’’

their prior experiences with collective action, their everyday routines and cultures of

subordination, and their relative position in social movement organizations all

figure into the specific tactics used in a struggle. Several studies find that actors

who occupy subordinate positions economically and socially and who lack access

to institutionalized political and economic power are more likely to engage in

disruptive protest, as are constituencies that have less to lose when faced with the

costs or negative consequences of protest (Piven and Cloward 1979; Scott 1985; Van

Dyke et al. 2001). Piven and Cloward (1979) find that in the US, the unemployed are

most likely to participate in riots and actions that present a threat to public order

because they lack institutional alternatives for expressing their grievances. Although

the relationship between constituency and protest tactics is more complex with

respect to racial and ethnic groups in the United States, a recent study by Van

Dyke et al. (2001) finds that, on the whole, members of less powerful ethnic and

racial groups are also more likely to use confrontational tactics. Students are also

more likely to participate in disruptive protest because they are available for ‘‘high

risk’’ forms of protest, have fewer countervailing ties to the constraints of adulthood,

and have limited access to politics through other means (McCarthy and Zald 1973;

Snow et al. 1980; McAdam 1988; White 1989; Soule 1997; Zhao 1998; Van Dyke

et al. 2001).

A movement’s tactical repertoires can also be fed by participants’ cultural

resources, skills, and sense of justice and ‘‘rights’’ (Tilly 1978; Mansbridge and

Morris 2001). Bourdieu (1990) defines the cultural meanings, scripts, and know-

how that motivate action as ‘‘habitus,’’ and Swidler (1986) thinks of these templates

as a cultural ‘‘tool kit’’ from which movements borrow. Crossley (2002) analyzes the

way habitus influenced the specific repertoires used by different branches of

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tactical repertoires of social movements 277

the psychiatric survivors’ movement in its campaign to ban electroconvulsive ther-

apy in the UK. Activists who had a ‘‘radical habitus’’ and possessed ‘‘protest capital’’

as a result of prior participation in radical forms of community activism were cynical

with respect to the use of tactics relying on persuasion. They therefore used public

demonstrations and performances – for example, peaceful candlelight vigils that did

not play into the public’s notion of their status as ‘‘mental patients’’ – to command

public sympathy and support. By contrast, the habitus of activists in another branch

of the movement was based on an establishment orientation and participants’

competence in academic fields, psychiatry, and the media. These activists embraced

a different set of tactics, using their skills and cultural capital to pursue campaigns in

their respective fields, for example through publishing books and articles and

making films and documentaries about the mental health system and psychiatric

survivors.

This example illustrates, as other studies have found, that prior participation in

protest has a significant impact on the subsequent tactics adopted by protest partici-

pants (Evans 1979; Van Dyke 1998). However, as Morris and Braine (2001)

contend, opposition is also present in the daily routines and cultural practices that

promote submission among marginalized groups such as African Americans (Morris

1984; Patillo-McCoy 1998; Harris 2001), women (Bosco 2001), people with

disabilities (Groch 2001), Mexican Americans (Rodriguez 2001), and gays and

lesbians (Stockdill 2001). Patillo-McCoy (1998) analyzes the way participation in

the black church (specifically prayer, song, and call-and-response interaction) shows

up in the tactics used in collective political organizing in the civil rights movement.

Social movement networks, organizations, and communities are also sites of in-

equality and subordination. A growing body of research documents the way gender,

racial and ethnic, class, and sexual inequalities within a movement constrain

the tactical choices available to participants (McAdam 1992; Robnett 1996;

Klatch 1999). When they participate in male-dominated movements, women are

often restricted to protest forms that draw on traditionally feminine roles, such

as clerical work, reproducing and socializing children, kitchen duty, and other

forms of caretaking (Fonow 1998; Blee 2002). Scholars have also examined how

activists’ attempts to reduce discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender,

and class within social movements produce tactical innovations. The AIDS and the

modern gay and lesbian movements have initiated strategies such as the formation

of separate caucuses for women and people of color, constructive dialogue, em-

powerment initiatives, and spotlighting marginalized groups’ indigenous culture as a

means of undermining inequalities (Gamson 1995; Adam et al. 1999; Stockdill

2001).

How Tactical Repertoires Shape Movement Outcomes

The tactics used by oppositional groups have implications for movement success.

Political protest can have a multitude of consequences, both intended and unin-

tended (see chapter 20 in this volume). Our discussion follows Staggenborg’s (1995)

categorization of three types of movement outcomes: political and policy outcomes,

mobilization outcomes, and cultural outcomes. Because most research on the effect-

iveness of different tactics focuses on political or policy changes, we present only

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278 verta taylor and nella van dyke

limited evidence of how tactics relate to mobilization and cultural outcomes (but see

chapters 22 and 23 in this volume).

Researchers who have been interested in whether and how social movements

produce social and political change identify several characteristics of protest related

to effectiveness: novelty, militancy, variety, size, and cultural resonance. Because

movements are indirect forms of political persuasion, their impact depends in large

measure on getting the message to the intended audience. The use of innovative,

militant, and a variety of tactics, along with the mobilization of large numbers,

increases the likelihood that the media will cover protest events (Snyder and

Kelly 1977; Molotch 1979; McCarthy et al. 1996; Oliver and Myers 1999).

Public displays of protest that tap into prevailing beliefs about democratic

practices also increase the likelihood of positive outcomes (Kriesi and Wisler

1999).

Novelty

Protestors typically choose from a fairly limited tactical repertoire when deciding on

forms of collective action. Although social movements are more likely to select

tactics with which they are familiar (Tarrow 1998), empirical studies suggest that

innovative tactics are more successful in achieving policy changes. For example,

McAdam (1983) demonstrates that tactical innovations on the part of civil rights

activists such as sit-ins and freedom rides were effective because they caught author-

ities off guard. McCammon et al. (2001) provide evidence that suffrage activists

were successful in winning the vote in part as a result of the invention of the suffrage

parade. The parades put hundreds of women on the streets both to publicize the

demand for the vote and resist the ideology of separate spheres that precluded

women from participating in political life. Kurtz (2002) attributes the success of

the Columbia clerical strike of 1991–2 to a series of protests intended to embarrass

Columbia’s board of directors, such as demonstrating at posh department stores and

office buildings in Manhattan, disrupting elegant fundraising events for alumni, and

eventually threatening to disrupt commencement. Movements that are primarily

engaged in symbolic struggles for the recognition of different identities can also

transform social policy by posing symbolic challenges, as Taylor (Taylor 1996;

Taylor and Van Willigen 1996) shows with respect to women’s self-help movements

in medicine and mental health.

The use of novel tactics, such as music, theater, art, poetry, speak-outs, and street

performances, are among the ways social movements gain a hearing to

serve as vehicles of cultural change. Two recent studies suggest that cultural per-

formances that meld politics with entertainment may have a range of cultural effects,

including transformation in beliefs, identities, and ideologies. In their analysis of

the pattern of diffusion of the textile strikes of 1929 to 1934 that swept the US

South, Roscigno and Danaher (2001) find that protest music played on local radio

stations served as an important tactical repertoire to articulate grievances

and construct solidarity among workers. Rupp and Taylor (2003), using focus

group data with heterosexual and gay audiences of drag shows, reveal that

drag performances, which are part of the larger repertoire of the gay and lesbian

movement, transform heterosexual audience members’ beliefs about gender and

sexuality.

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tactical repertoires of social movements 279

Militancy

Tactical innovations are often successful because of the uncertainty and disruption

they bring about. Several early studies led to the conclusion that groups using

disruptive tactics are more successful than those that opt for quieter institutional

options (Tilly et al. 1975; Piven and Cloward 1979; Steedly and Foley 1979;

Mirowsky and Ross 1981; McAdam 1983). Examining the tactics of 53 challenging

groups in the US, Gamson (1990) finds that activists that used violence were more

likely to achieve both policy gains and access to political power. Soule et al. (1999)

report the opposite finding: in the US, when women’s groups have used conventional

insider tactics, they have been more likely to win Congressional support than when

they engaged in disruptive outsider tactics. Recent research suggests, however, that

the picture is more complicated. Cress and Snow (2000) find that political context

influences whether disruptive tactics have successful outcomes in local campaigns to

improve the conditions of homeless people. Disruptive tactics, such as blockades, sit-

ins, housing takeovers, and unauthorized encampments, were more effective in cities

where the movement had allies in city councils and the city had not previously been

responsive to the interests of the homeless population. However, in cities that had

shown signs of prior support for the homeless issue, nondisruptive tactics such as

petitions, rallies, and demonstrations yielded more success. Based on their analysis

of the impact of antiwar protest on Congressional support for US involvement in the

Vietnam War, McAdam and Su (2002) argue that, for movements to be effective in

the US, they must combine threat and disruption with a commitment to democratic

politics of persuasion.

The use of militant tactics also has consequences for mobilization. Participation in

high-risk collective action increases activists’ commitment to social movement net-

works and organizations and can also lead to participation in other forms of

political protest over the life course. For example, militant suffragists who took

part in pickets of the White House and went on hunger strikes in the 1920s when

they were arrested were more likely to maintain their commitment to feminism in

the hostile political climate of the antifeminism and McCarthyism of the 1950s

(Taylor 1989). There has been limited research on the immediate and long-term

impact of threatening and disruptive protest on cultural transformation. Schuman

(1972; cited in McAdam and Su 2002) reports that increasingly disruptive protests

against the Vietnam War had contradictory effects, contributing both to growing

opposition to the war as well as to a backlash of public opinion against the antiwar

movement.

Variety

Morris’s (1993) study of the 1963 Birmingham, Alabama, campaign against racial

segregation suggests that using a variety of tactics may yield the best results in terms

of policy change. Civil rights activists simultaneously staged an economic boycott

against the city’s businesses, held sit-in demonstrations at local lunch counters, and

staged large-scale demonstrations. Morris concludes that neither novelty nor mili-

tancy can explain the success of the Birmingham campaign. Rather, activists’ use of

multiple tactics that resulted in a community-wide crisis that authorities were unable

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280 verta taylor and nella van dyke

to contain explains the gains of the civil rights movement in Birmingham. Scholars

of feminism also provide evidence that when the women’s movement’s repertoire of

contention has included a variety of protest forms – both conventional and uncon-

ventional – the movement has been more likely to achieve policy changes (Rupp and

Taylor 1987; Staggenborg 1991; Gelb and Hart 1999).

Increases in the rate and variety of forms of collective action are also linked to

what Tarrow (1993) terms ‘‘moments of madness’’ or protest waves that bring about

increases in the number of organizations and other mobilizing structures engaged in

collective action (Tarrow 1989; Koopmans 1993; Kriesi et al. 1995). There is some

evidence that increased movement mobilization, in turn, is linked to cultural change

or changes in collective consciousness. A number of empirical studies report that the

organizational proliferation of the US women’s movement in the late 1980s and

1990s, when new groups embraced a variety of tactics to address wide-ranging

issues such as economic equity, violence, women’s health, rape, sexuality, and

reproductive rights, brought about changes in public consciousness and values

(Mueller 1987; Ferree and Hess 1994; Gelb and Hart 1999). Meyer (1999) reports

that the range of tactics used by the nuclear freeze movement in the US in 1982 was

responsible for winning broad public support in public opinion polls, town meet-

ings, and state and local referenda.

Size

The civil rights movement’s ability to mobilize large numbers of participants in

Birmingham was another ingredient in the campaign’s success (Morris 1993).

Staging protest performances that display a movement’s numerical strength is one

way that social movements exercise influence. Large demonstrations capture media

attention and follow the logic of democratic principles by demonstrating a strong

surge of public and electoral support. Perhaps just as important, numerical strength

increases a collective action’s disruptive potential by overburdening law enforce-

ment’s capacity to repress the protest. Widespread mobilization may also be effective

by virtue of that fact that it severely disrupts a community’s daily routines, as well as

its economic, institutional, and political infrastructures. In the Birmingham cam-

paign, nearly half of the city’s population boycotted local businesses, causing severe

economic crisis for business owners, and a series of demonstrations involving

hundreds of protestors left the city’s jails filled beyond capacity: this garnered a

great deal of national media attention.

Participation in large-scale protests involving thousands of people can be an

exhilarating and empowering experience that functions both to mobilize individual

commitment and strengthen movement organizations. In his research on the Dutch

peace movement Klandermans (1997) found that individuals who participated in

the first mass peace demonstrations were more likely to take part in subsequent

peace actions. Several studies link sustained commitment to feminism to participa-

tion in demonstrations, such as ‘‘Take Back the Night Marches’’ (Taylor and

Whittier 1992) and cultural forms of political expression such as women’s musical

festivals, alternative women-only institutions, and other feminist rituals (Taylor and

Rupp 1993; Whittier 1995; Staggenborg 2001). Raeburn (forthcoming) traces the

founding of the first gay employee network in what later emerged as a nationwide

multi-organizational movement to combat discrimination against lesbians and gays

Snow / Blackwell Companion to SocialMovements 13.11.2003 12:03pm page 281

tactical repertoires of social movements 281

in the workplace to activist networks formed at the 1986 National Gay and Lesbian

March on Washington. Although researchers have rarely examined the direct effects

of large-scale demonstrations on changes in cultural beliefs and values, Nagel (1995)

argues that shifting identification with ethnic identities, as measured in the signifi-

cant increase in the number of Americans reporting an American Indian race in the

US census, provides evidence of the cultural impact of large-scale protests by Native

Americans.

Cultural Resonance

Snow and his colleagues (1986, 1988) suggest that movement success and

failure depends, in part, on a group’s ability to frame collective actions in

ways that link participants’ grievances to mainstream beliefs and values. In the

US, protest is more likely to be met with favorable government action if collective

actors convey a commitment to democratic practices and the politics of persuasion

(McAdam and Su 2002). Koopmans and Statham (1999) suggest that differences in

the cultural meaning of collective action explain the greater policy gains

that resulted from neo-Nazi demonstrations and other right-wing mobilizations in

Germany as compared with Italy in the mid-1990s. They attribute these favorable

outcomes in Germany to the resonance of the extreme Right’s ethnic-cultural

framing of national identity with the dominant German discourse on ethnic

nationalist identity.

Cultural resonance not only mediates the policy impact of collective action, but it

also determines the mobilization outcome of particular types of tactical repertoires.

Taylor and her colleagues (Taylor and Whittier 1992; Taylor and Rupp 1993)

suggest that the tactical repertoire of lesbian feminism, which included separate

women’s organizations, the valorization of relationships between women, and

organizing around feminist rituals, tapped into traditional women’s cultures of

subordination. This resistance culture and style of politics operated to sustain the

movement in a hostile political context.

Cultural resonance may be fundamental to understanding how a movement’s

tactical repertoires affect its ability to achieve changes in values, belief systems,

and identities. Contemporary welfare movements in the US and Western Europe,

using self-help tactics and strategies based on recognition politics, have been instru-

mental in creating a new empowered welfare subject who contrasts with the older

passive recipient of benefits (Martin 2001). Williams attributes this success to

activists’ articulation of people’s needs on the basis of race, class, gender, and age

rather than material need, a cultural interpretation that is consistent with the

fragmentation and specialization of postindustrial welfare provision and discourse

(Williams 1992; Fraser 1995; Naples 1998). Perhaps one of the clearest cases of a

movement that met with success because its repertoire of tactics appropriated

familiar symbols, ideas, and elements in ways that resonated with both indigenous

groups and national and international elites is the Rastafarian movement. Buffonge

(2001) analyzes how the movement was able to mobilize support and alter main-

stream political discourse about the poverty of rural and urban Jamaicans by using

elements of Jamaican myth, story, religion, and music in novel ways. The move-

ment’s use of reggae music to communicate a political message and the popularity of

musicians such as Bob Marley who wrote the song ‘‘Get Up, Stand Up’’ – which we

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282 verta taylor and nella van dyke

took as the title of this chapter – resulted in widespread adoption of activists’ ideas

about the nature of Jamaican social and economic problems.

Conclusion

Public protest and the use of unconventional means of political persuasion is a

fundamental feature of democratic societies, and certainly the average person

equates protest with social movements. Repertoires and tactics of protest are also,

as Mueller (1999) points out, the theoretical building blocks of all of the major

theories constructed over the past three decades to understand social movements and

other forms of contentious politics. Yet, as much as we have learned about the tactics

and strategies of social movements, we, surprisingly, still have more to learn.

We began and end this chapter with two examples that are typical of the innova-

tive protests used by modern groups and that help to expand current thinking about

the variety of public performances of protest used by contemporary activists. The

West Marin women’s peace protestors relied on the Internet to communicate their

performance, and the Rastafarians used music to convey their message. We have

explored the ways that social movement scholars have conceptualized and categor-

ized a wide range of protest forms and, drawing from this body of work, we propose

a definition of tactical repertoires that is broad enough to encompass them all and

avoids the bifurcation of expressive and instrumental politics that has dominated the

study of social movement tactics.

Our definition proposes that we treat tactical repertoires as involving contest-

ation, intentionality, and collective identity, and we offer this definition for several

reasons. First, it is consistent with the conceptualization of collective action used by

proponents of the protest event approach to studying social movements which will

allow cumulative work but will hopefully stimulate more qualitative in-depth ana-

lyses of collective action events. Second, we think this model will provide a better

understanding of some previously unexamined questions pertaining to the inter-

active dimensions of protest. For example, how do different tactical repertoires

link challenging groups and their targets in episodes of contention? Are some tactical

repertoires more successful than others in engaging authorities in sustained inter-

action? How do tactical repertoires create solidarity among a set of challengers? And

how do tactical repertoires articulate boundaries and competing interests between

members of challenging groups as well as between challengers and target groups?

In addition to offering conceptual clarification, our discussion also considered the

external macrohistorical factors, as well as the internal movement processes, that

determine a movement’s choice of tactics. Evaluating the repertoires of contention

model, the postindustrial society thesis, and the cycles of protest argument, we find

studies that challenge all of these explanations of the way large-scale social, polit-

ical, and economic processes constrain the tactical options available to collective

actors. Even if tactical repertoires evolve slowly, protest innovations do come onto

the scene. We need further research on the impact of external sociopolitical factors

on tactical repertoires. Considering the way internal movement processes relate to

forms and repertoires of protest, we conclude that scholars’ disagreement about the

role of organization in the deployment, innovation, and effective use of tactics

suggests the need for still more research.

Snow / Blackwell Companion to SocialMovements 13.11.2003 12:03pm page 283

tactical repertoires of social movements 283

Ultimately, of course, the question that activists and scholars alike would most

like to have answered is what kinds of tactics are the most effective? We, therefore,

find considerable literature on this question, but we discover that scholars have

learned more about the impact of militant than nonmilitant tactics. Further, the

small but growing body of literature on protest outcomes has been more concerned

with political and policy outcomes than the cultural consequences of social move-

ment actions. Following Gusfield (1991), who advances a ‘‘fluid’’ concept of social

movements, we have taken a broader definition of movement outcomes. We think

there is need for further attention to the way different tactical repertoires result in

changes in belief systems, identities, and cultural practices. We think that ultimately

this may be the most powerful consequence of public performances of protest.

Note

We thank Dick Flacks for suggesting the song that is the title of this chapter and other valuable

insights. In addition, we are grateful to Jennifer Earl, Lisa Leitz, Leila Rupp, Sarah

Soule, David Snow, and members of the Social Movements Pro-seminar at the University of

California at Santa Barbara for their comments on various drafts of this chapter.

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